Research Design: The Battle for Territorial Legitimacy

I am thrilled to report that I have finally finished all the requirements for the quarter.  My papers are in and my undergraduates’ final exams are completely marked.  I think I might just take a day off tomorrow and go see I Am Legend.  I’m a sucker for sci fi and zombie movies. 

Anyway, here’s the introductory portion from my latest project: a rough research design for my "big" second year paper.  It needs a lot of work but I think I’m on the right track.  Let me know what you think…

International Norms, Domestic Identities, and Disputed Lands:

The Battle for Territorial Legitimacy in the West Bank, (Kosovo, and Nagorno-Karabakh)

No matter how barren, no territory is worthless if it is a homeland.

    Monica Duffy Toft in The Geography of Ethnic Violence[1]

Eretz Israel is not something apart from the soul of the Jewish people; it is no mere national possession, serving as a means of unifying our people and buttressing its material, or even its spiritual, survival.  Eretz Israel is part of the very essence of our nationhood; it is bound organically to its very life and inner being.

    Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, First Chief Rabbi of Israel[2]

If the day comes when the two-state solution collapses, and we face a South African-style struggle for equal voting rights (also for the Palestinians in the territories), then, as soon as that happens, the State of Israel is finished.

    Prime Minister Ehud Olmert in a recent interview with Ha’aretz[3]

The disputed territory of the West Bank, captured from Jordanian forces by Israel in the Six Day War of 1967, is something of an enigma in international affairs.  In a world in which the annexation of land has become increasingly unacceptable and prohibitively costly, the demands for political self-determination by ethnonational groups are often recognized and enforced, and the military value of “strategic depth” has become arguably obsolete in the face of unmistakable trends toward asymmetric and guerilla warfare, Israel has retained control.  In particular, Israeli military rule and civilian settlement of the territories captured in 1967, namely the Golan Heights (formally annexed in 1981), the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip, has largely persisted in the face of international pressure, condemnation, and nationalist local violence.  Since the signing of the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization on September 13, 1993 however, the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority have ventured down a seemingly irreversible path towards territorial partition.  Yet even as subsequent Israeli governments have consistently pledged their support for the peace process and the political leadership has, at the very least, resigned itself to the eventuality of the rise of an independent Palestinian state in Gaza and the West Bank, growth of Israeli civilian communities in the territories has continued.  Critics thus harshly accuse Israel of rejecting peaceful settlement and intentionally undermining the territorial basis for a future Arab state. 

These claims directly clash, however, with the statements and domestically-oriented platforms of Israel’s political elite.  Rather than intentionally fostering greater political and territorial entanglements of the Israeli and non-citizen Arab population in the territories, it has been the declared intention of Prime Ministers from Yitzhak Rabin who initiated the Oslo Accords to the present government of Ehud Olmert to advocate demographic and political separation of these two groups.  Perhaps the most dominant fear has been that greater integration would lead to a single political entity in which a faster growing Arab population would eventually legislate away the identity of Israel as a Jewish state.  Although a view openly harbored by marginal right wing parties such as Kach led by R’Meir Kahane in the 1970s and 1980s, impressions that occupying a large Arab minority might be politically problematic surfaced as early as the end of the Six Day War from political elite of all stripes  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Kahane</Author><Year>1981</Year><RecNum>197</RecNum><record><rec-number>197</rec-number><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Kahane,
Meir</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>They
must
go</title></titles><pages>282</pages><keywords><keyword>Palestinian
Arabs Israel</keyword><keyword>Israel Ethnic
relations</keyword><keyword>Jewish-Arab
relations</keyword></keywords><dates><year>1981</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Grosset &amp;
Dunlap</publisher><isbn>0448120267</isbn><call-num>MAIN
Library 305.8927 K12t</call-num><urls></urls></record></Cite><Cite><Author>Segev</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>192</RecNum><Pages>500-522</Pages><record><rec-number>192</rec-number><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Segev,
Tom</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>1967
: Israel, the war, and the year that transformed the Middle
East</title></titles><pages>x, 673 , [16] of
plates</pages><edition>1st
U.S.</edition><keywords><keyword>Israel-Arab War,
1967</keyword><keyword>Israel Politics and government 20th
century</keyword></keywords><dates><year>2007</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Metropolitan
Books</publisher><isbn>9780805070576 (alk.
paper)&#xD;0805070575 (alk. paper)</isbn><call-num>MAIN Library
956.94052 S4541eX</call-num><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote>(Kahane 1981; Segev 2007, 500-22)<!–[if supportFields]><![endif]–>.  This view, however, increasingly entered the political mainstream by the late 1990s.  In fact, the “demographic threat” has become a key policy trope of many of the mainstream political parties on all sides of the political spectrum from the left-wing Meretz party to the right-wing nationalist Yisrael Beiteinu party.  Even if the parties do not agree on the precise nature of the problem and have not proposed uniform solution, it is clear that separation rather than integration is the modus operandi of domestic discussions relating to the peace process.

If this truly is the case, however, how can one explain the state’s continued control and settlement of the West Bank directly in opposition to international demands for Palestinian sovereignty and political independence?  Part of the answer surely lies in Israel’s self-image as the modern day successor to the biblical Jewish state.  Indeed, it is difficult to understand the importance many Israelis place on Jewish control of sites such as the Old City of the Jerusalem, the site of the ancient Jewish Temple, the predominantly Arab city of Hebron, the burial place of many of the biblical patriarchs and matriarchs, or Nablus (originally Shechem), the approximate location of the first sacrificial alter built by Abraham upon entering the Land of Canaan and the burial place of the last patriarch Joseph, apart from these constructions of national identity. 

What such badges of identity seem to establish in terms of ethnohistorical claims to the land must necessarily be coupled with modern concerns related to the security of the state itself.  Contemporary hesitancy to allow the establishment of a Palestinian state on these lands must be understood not only in the context of a generation of nationalist violence in the “service” of achieving a Palestinian state but in disappointing aftermath of the Israeli “disengagement” from Gaza in September 2005.  It was hoped that following the unilateral evacuation of all Jewish communities, residents, and military installations from the costal strip and parts of the northern West Bank, some concrete basis would be laid for future negotiation or, at the very least, a decrease in violence.  Instead Mahmoud Abbas’ “moderate” Fatah party suffered wide-ranging electoral defeat at the hands of the rejectionist Islamist Hamas movement in January 2006 followed by the outbreak of internecine violence and Hamas’ capture of uncontested military and political control of the strip.  Since then, southern Israeli towns have suffered daily rocket attacks launched from Gaza and the Palestinian leadership has perhaps irreparably fractured.

The most recent effort at reinvigorating talks, initiated on November 27, 2007 at an international conference in Annapolis, Maryland, was attended by representatives of Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the Quartet (comprised of the US, UN, EU, and Russia), the G8 (Canada, China, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the UK, and the US), twelve members of the Arab League, observers from the IMF and World Bank, as well as numerous others.[4] In a statement of joint understanding read by US President George W. Bush at the conclusion of the conference, it was announced that the parties had made a commitment to conclude an agreement leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state by 2008 based on the “Roadmap to Peace” designed by the Quartet in 2003  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Bush</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>245</RecNum><record><rec-number>245</rec-number><ref-type
name="Conference Proceedings">10</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Bush,
George
W.</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Joint
Understanding Read by President Bush at Annapolis Conference</title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>November
27</date></pub-dates></dates><pub-location>Annapolis,
Maryland</pub-location><publisher>Office of the Press
Secretary</publisher><urls><related-urls><url>http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2007/11/20071127.html</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote&gt;(Bush 2007).  Domestic opposition to this move has been strong however, with both Israelis and Palestinians speaking out against the conference and already moving to undermine its rather limited provisions.  For its part, Hamas has pushed through a bill in the Palestinian Legislative Council supported by many in Fatah making it illegal for Palestinian negotiators to make any concessions on the final status of Jerusalem as a “Palestinian, Arab, and Islamic city” while stockpiling an increasing number of qassam missiles and working to improve their technology to extend their range and increase their shelf life  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Toameh</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>249</RecNum><record><rec-number>249</rec-number><ref-type
name="Newspaper
Article">23</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Toameh,
Khalid
Abu</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>P.L.C.
law makes J&apos;lem concessions illegal</title><secondary-title>Jerusalem
Post</secondary-title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>December
7</date></pub-dates></dates><pub-location>Jerusalem</pub-location><urls><related-urls><url>http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?c=JPArticle&amp;cid=1196847272927&amp;pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite><Cite><Author>Harel</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>250</RecNum><record><rec-number>250</rec-number><ref-type
name="Newspaper Article">23</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Harel,
Amos</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Hamas
improves Qassam
capability</title><secondary-title>Ha&apos;aretz</secondary-title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>December
7</date></pub-dates></dates><pub-location>Tel
Aviv</pub-location><urls><related-urls><url>http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/932127.html</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote&gt;(Toameh 2007; Harel 2007)<!–[if supportFields]><![endif]–>.  Israeli nationalist groups in turn have made plans to establish several new settlement outposts in the West Bank in the coming months as well as increasing talk of political organization for the establishment of a settler state in the event of another Israeli withdrawal  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Kershner</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>251</RecNum><record><rec-number>251</rec-number><ref-type
name="Newspaper
Article">23</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Kershner,
Isabel</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Young
Israelis Resist Challenges to
Settlements</title><secondary-title>New York
Times</secondary-title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>December
8</date></pub-dates></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><urls><related-urls><url>http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/08/world/middleeast/08westbank.html</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite><Cite><Author>Weiss</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>253</RecNum><record><rec-number>253</rec-number><ref-type
name="Newspaper Article">23</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Weiss,
Efrat</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Rightist
initiative: Picking flag and anthem for settler
state</title><secondary-title>YNetNews</secondary-title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>December
6</date></pub-dates></dates><pub-location>Tel
Aviv</pub-location><urls><related-urls><url>http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3479663,00.html</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite><Cite><Author>Fendel</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>252</RecNum><record><rec-number>252</rec-number><ref-type
name="Newspaper Article">23</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Fendel,
Hillel</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>New
Jewish Congress is Launched, Sets New National
Agenda</title><secondary-title>Arutz Sheva</secondary-title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>November
28</date></pub-dates></dates><pub-location>Beit El,
Israel</pub-location><urls><related-urls><url>http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/124412</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote&gt;(Kershner 2007; Weiss 2007; Fendel 2007)<!–[if supportFields]><![endif]–>.  Meanwhile, the Israeli government has approved the construction of some 300 new homes in the Jerusalem neighborhood of Har Homa only days after Annapolis, infuriating Palestinians who see the move as obstructing their claim to the city as their national capital  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Rabinovich</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>254</RecNum><record><rec-number>254</rec-number><ref-type
name="Newspaper
Article">23</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Rabinovich,
Ari</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Rice
criticises Israel on settlement
building</title><secondary-title>Reuters</secondary-title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>December
7</date></pub-dates></dates><urls><related-urls><url>http://www.reuters.com/article/featuredCrisis/idUSMAC758169</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote&gt;(Rabinovich 2007).  

It would therefore seem that Israel’s official policy pulls in two contradictory directions at once: consolidating its hold on the West Bank while simultaneously negotiating away its claim to the whole of the land.  This precedent of policy ambiguity with respect to the territories has a well-established pedigree in Israeli politics as old as the occupation itself.  Often traced to a conversation between Prime Minister Levi Eshkol and US President Lydon Johnston in 1968, when asked by the president, “What kind of Israel do you want?”, Eshkol famously answered, “My government has decided not to decide”  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Gorenberg</Author><Year>2006</Year><RecNum>195</RecNum><Pages>127</Pages><record><rec-number>195</rec-number><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Gorenberg,
Gershom</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>The
accidental empire : Israel and the birth of the settlements,
1967-1977</title></titles><pages>xvii,
454</pages><edition>1st</edition><keywords><keyword>Land
settlement West Bank Government policy Israel</keyword><keyword>Land
settlement Gaza Strip Government policy Israel</keyword><keyword>Jews
Colonization West Bank</keyword><keyword>Jews Colonization Gaza
Strip</keyword><keyword>Israel Politics and government
1967-1993</keyword><keyword>Colonisation intérieure Cisjordanie
Politique gouvernementale Israël</keyword><keyword>Colonisation
intérieure Gaza, Bande de Politique gouvernementale
Israël</keyword><keyword>Juifs Colonisation
Cisjordanie</keyword><keyword>Juifs Colonisation Gaza, Bande
de</keyword><keyword>Israël Politique et gouvernement
1967-1993</keyword></keywords><dates><year>2006</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Times
Books</publisher><isbn>080507564X&#xD;9780805075649</isbn><call-num>MAIN
Library 956.94053 G666a</call-num><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote>(Gorenberg 2006, 127).  While often portrayed as an effort to avoid domestic controversy faced with a fragile post-war governing coalition, it would be equally legitimate to explain this explicit avoidance of decisive policy as a response to international pressures  ADDIN EN.CITE <EndNote><Cite><Author>Gorenberg</Author><Year>2006</Year><RecNum>195</RecNum><Pages>127-128</Pages><record><rec-number>195</rec-number><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Gorenberg,
Gershom</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>The
accidental empire : Israel and the birth of the settlements,
1967-1977</title></titles><pages>xvii,
454</pages><edition>1st</edition><keywords><keyword>Land
settlement West Bank Government policy
Israel</keyword><keyword>Land settlement Gaza Strip Government
policy Israel</keyword><keyword>Jews Colonization West
Bank</keyword><keyword>Jews Colonization Gaza
Strip</keyword><keyword>Israel Politics and government
1967-1993</keyword><keyword>Colonisation intérieure Cisjordanie
Politique gouvernementale Israël</keyword><keyword>Colonisation
intérieure Gaza, Bande de Politique gouvernementale
Israël</keyword><keyword>Juifs Colonisation
Cisjordanie</keyword><keyword>Juifs Colonisation Gaza, Bande
de</keyword><keyword>Israël Politique et gouvernement 1967-1993</keyword></keywords><dates><year>2006</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Times
Books</publisher><isbn>080507564X&#xD;9780805075649</isbn><call-num>MAIN
Library 956.94053
G666a</call-num><urls></urls></record></Cite><Cite><Author>Segev</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>192</RecNum><Pages>573</Pages><record><rec-number>192</rec-number><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Segev,
Tom</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>1967
: Israel, the war, and the year that transformed the Middle
East</title></titles><pages>x, 673 , [16] of
plates</pages><edition>1st
U.S.</edition><keywords><keyword>Israel-Arab War,
1967</keyword><keyword>Israel Politics and government 20th
century</keyword></keywords><dates><year>2007</year></dates><pub-location>New
York</pub-location><publisher>Metropolitan
Books</publisher><isbn>9780805070576 (alk.
paper)&#xD;0805070575 (alk. paper)</isbn><call-num>MAIN Library
956.94052
S4541eX</call-num><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote>(Gorenberg 2006, 127-28; Segev 2007, 573)<!–[if supportFields]><![endif]–>. 

Today, little has changed.  Rather than ensuring policy stasis however, intentional vagueness by the political center in the West Bank has allowed for rather dramatic changes in the “facts on the ground.”  Not only have these ambiguous policies led to an interlocking of Israeli and Palestinian population centers making simple territorial partition increasingly infeasible but they have ensured the uneven and unreliable application of the rule of law, haphazard management of settlement development and growth, poor administration of Israeli and Palestinian civil affairs, a breaking down of the monopoly of the use of military and police force, and the rise of more decisive political entrepreneurs with their own agendas for Jewish (and Palestinian) rule in this contested space.  Although a civil administrative bureaucracy was finally set up by the Army in 1980 to manage civilian life of the Palestinian population and moderate disputes particularly relating to property between the Arabs and Jewish residents (now largely irrelevant in areas controlled by the PA), even this body relies largely on ad hoc politically-informed decisions rather than a clear rule of law  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Paz</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>255</RecNum><record><rec-number>255</rec-number><ref-type
name="Personal
Communication">26</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Paz,
Ilan</author></authors><secondary-authors><author>Zellman,
Ariel</author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title>Personal
Interview with former head of Yehuda and Shomron Civil
Administration</title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>June
30</date></pub-dates></dates><pub-location>Tel
Aviv</pub-location><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote>(Paz 2007).

This outcome is highly perplexing given that across the Green Line, Israel is known for its liberal democratic social values, strong representative institutions, rather clear division of labor between its civilian and security sectors despite compulsorily military service, and respect for legal jurisprudence even to the point of challenging principles of national security.  Indeed, it is difficult to understand why a state so clearly committed to the rule of law and firmly in control of coercive force would behave in such a diametrically opposed manner in its administration of this disputed territory.  If the expectation is that the territory in question is to be incorporated as an integral part of the state, one would assume that there would be a concerted move to consolidate its system of political control over that territory.  If, however, the state has captured territory with the understanding that its rule is temporary, one would equally expect a distinct absence of formal statebuilding activities such as the settlement of a civilian population or the construction of formal administrative apparatuses.  Contrary to either expectation, Israel has moved imperfectly in both directions. What can explain this problematic outcome?  Why has Israel failed to either withdraw from the West Bank as per the near-universal international demands or consolidate its rule through formal annexation as demanded by influential sectors of Israeli society? 


[1]  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Toft</Author><Year>2003</Year><RecNum>247</RecNum><record><rec-number>247</rec-number><ref-type
name="Book">6</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Toft,
Monica
Duffy</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>The
geography of ethnic violence : identity, interests, and the indivisibility of
territory</title></titles><pages>xii,
226</pages><keywords><keyword>Political
violence</keyword><keyword>Partition, Territorial</keyword><keyword>Nationalism</keyword><keyword>Human
geography</keyword><keyword>Ethnic conflict Former Soviet republics
Case studies</keyword><keyword>Former Soviet republics Ethnic
relations Case
studies</keyword></keywords><dates><year>2003</year></dates><pub-location>Princeton,
N.J.</pub-location><publisher>Princeton University
Press</publisher><isbn>0691113548 (alk.
paper)</isbn><call-num>MAIN Library 303.6
T644g</call-num><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote>Monica Duffy Toft, The Geography of Ethnic Violence : Identity, Interests, and the Indivisibility of Territory (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).<!–[if supportFields]><![endif]–>

[2]  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Kook</Author><Year>1997</Year><RecNum>65</RecNum><record><rec-number>65</rec-number><ref-type
name="Book Section">5</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Kook,
R&apos;Abraham
Isaac</author></authors><secondary-authors><author>Hertzberg,
Arthur</author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title>The
Land of Israel (1910-1930)</title><secondary-title>The Zionist
Idea</secondary-title></titles><pages>419-422</pages><edition>2nd</edition><dates><year>1997</year></dates><pub-location>Philadelphia</pub-location><publisher>Jewish
Publication Society</publisher><isbn>0827606222</isbn><urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote>R’Abraham Isaac Kook, "The Land of Israel (1910-1930)," in The Zionist Idea, ed. Arthur Hertzberg (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1997).

[3]  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Benn</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>248</RecNum><record><rec-number>248</rec-number><ref-type
name="Newspaper
Article">23</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Benn,
Aluf</author><author>Landau,
David</author><author>Ravid, Barak</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>Olmert
to Haaretz: Two-state solution, or Israel is done
for</title><secondary-title>Ha&apos;aretz</secondary-title></titles><dates><year>2007</year><pub-dates><date>November
29</date></pub-dates></dates><pub-location>Tel
Aviv</pub-location><urls><related-urls><url>http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/929439.html</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote&gt;Aluf Benn, David Landau, and Barak Ravid, "Olmert to Haaretz: Two-State Solution, or Israel Is Done For,"  Ha’aretz (Tel Aviv), November 29, 2007, http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/929439.html.

[4] For a complete listing of participants, see  ADDIN EN.CITE
<EndNote><Cite><Author>Office of Electronic
Information</Author><Year>2007</Year><RecNum>244</RecNum><record><rec-number>244</rec-number><ref-type
name="Web Page">12</ref-type><contributors><authors><author>Office
of Electronic Information,
</author></authors></contributors><titles><title>The
Annapolis Conference: Conference
Participants</title></titles><volume>2007</volume><number>December
7</number><dates><year>2007</year></dates><publisher>Bureau
of Public Affairs, U.S. State
Department</publisher><urls><related-urls><url>http://annapolisconference.state.gov/annapolisconference/participants/</url></related-urls></urls></record></Cite></EndNote&gt;Office of Electronic Information, "The Annapolis Conference: Conference Participants," Bureau of Public Affairs, U.S. State Department, http://annapolisconference.state.gov/annapolisconference/participants/ (accessed December 7, 2007).

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2 Responses to Research Design: The Battle for Territorial Legitimacy

  1. […] second year paper and come up with some sort of coherent research design. Needless to say, my earlier attempt in December didn’t quite come out as planned. The challenge for me is to both capture the big […]

  2. […] research design of which I am quite envious. Indeed, had I read this book before writing my own research design for my International Security course, my final product would have looked substantially different […]

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